Episode 179

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Published on:

15th Apr 2025

How to Take Down Amazon, with Jon Milton

In January 2024, shortly after workers in their Laval location had unionized, Amazon announced the closure of its facilities in Quebec. In a most egregious union busting moves, Amazon left 2,000 people out of work and walked away from significant investments in infrastructure to make sure workers wouldn't get a say in their conditions.

Jon Milton, Senior Communications Specialist with the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, shares some of the ways Labour, the community and municipalities are fighting back against Amazon. Jon also has some tactics not yet deployed to 'bring down' this corporate giant AND its exploitive business model.

Hosted by: Jessa McLean

Call to Action: Boycott Amazon Canada

Related Episodes:

  • CUPW Right to Strike was recorded immediately after Canada Post workers were ordered back to work. Its a candid discussion on the state of what's often touted as Canada's strongest union.
  • Another guest from the CCPA, Richard Tranjan, with a discussion on The Tenant Class

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Transcript
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Greetings, friends. My name is Jess McLean, and I'm here to provide you with some blueprints

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of disruption. This weekly podcast is dedicated to amplifying the work of activists, examining

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power structures, and sharing the success stories from the grassroots. Through these discussions,

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we hope to provide folks with the tools and the inspiration they need to start to dismantle

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capitalism, decolonize our spaces, and bring about the political revolution that we know

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we need. In May, In after more than two years of salting the workplace and organizing, workers

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at a Laval Amazon facility voted to unionize. Initially, the logistics and tech giant tried

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to challenge the legality of it. When that failed, they stalled on negotiations for over six months.

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Workers held rallies, they presented very reasonable demands, tried to move the process along. Then,

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in late 2024, CBC reported that Amazon were close to making their first offer. Now, that

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was on December 23rd. On January 22nd, Amazon did make an announcement, but it wasn't a good

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one. It wasn't even a bad offer. They revealed their plans to close all of their Quebec facilities.

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Not just the Laval location, and put 2,000 people out of work. That was a big fuck you to Labour.

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Union busting at its worst, really. Our next guest, John Milton from the Canadian Centre

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for Policy Alternatives, makes the case that it was also, in fact, illegal. So, what did

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workers do about it? What did the government do? That's exactly what John's here to talk

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about. On top of the work already being done, John also shares some great tactics we've not

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yet deployed to bring down not just Amazon, but it's exploitive business model that just

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feeds off our communities. So let's meet John and get to it. Welcome to Blueprints, John.

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Can you introduce yourself to the audience for me, please? Yeah, thanks for having me. So

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my name is John Milton. I am a writer and editor at the Canadian Center for Policy Alternatives,

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a sort of left-wing political and economic research institute. And John, you wrote an article,

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you've written many articles, I've been poring over them. And it was in particular one about

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Amazon closing facilities in Quebec and what our response maybe should have been. Folks

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might remember the audience, we did go over what this meant for workers in Quebec and

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some of the issues around it, but John really unpacked it from what organized labor. could

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or should be doing, what our governments could or should be doing. Right at the top of your

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piece, and I'll share that in the show notes so people can pore over it, you say that the

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closures of these facilities, which 2,000 people lost their jobs, were illegal. Why were they

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illegal? People close factories all the time, right? That's right. I mean, is factory closures,

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warehouse closures, these types of things happen. These are sort of normal pieces of the economy

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that we live in. What makes this different though is that the warehouse closures were

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quite obviously although Not this is not you know, if you were to ask Amazon why they closed

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a warehouse They would say something about market forces. That's quite vague But it's quite

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obvious to any observer that one of that that the core reason why they decided to close their

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warehouses after investing significantly in the province to build new warehouses and create

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sort of quite a bit of infrastructure in the province is because there was a successful

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union drive in one of Amazon's warehouses in Laval, which is a suburb outside of Montreal.

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Observers who watch what's happening in the labor movement, with Amazon in particular,

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may know that a couple of years ago, there was also a successful union drive at an Amazon

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warehouse in New York, which did not result in those warehouses being closed. The difference

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is that Quebec has better, more worker-friendly labour laws than New York does or these and

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some of these other jurisdictions. The core difference is that in Quebec, companies where

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a union is legally formed, which was the case here, you know, there was a the majority

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of workers at Amazon's warehouse in Laval decided that they wanted to be members of a union which

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automatically forms the under Quebec's labour code. Now, that happened in Quebec, just like

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it also happened in New York, but the difference is that in Quebec, labour law says that if

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the two parties, the workers and the employer, are not able to come to an agreement for a

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first contract, for a first collective agreement, union contract, within a certain amount of

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time, then the matter can be sent to an arbitrator, a sort of neutral third party, let's say,

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who will then impose a collective agreement. For Amazon, that meant that for the first time

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in North America, they were going to have a union contract in their Laval warehouse. And

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Amazon is a company that has built its entire model, its business model on being a sort

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of what they would call a union free environment, a place where they can set the working conditions

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themselves without having... to actually negotiate with their workers collectively, right? That's

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their entire business model. And so having even a single warehouse where that's not the

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case in North America, which could then serve as an example for elsewhere, that was unacceptable

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for them. And so they decided that rather than accept that, they would rather abandon their

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significant investments that they'd made over the previous couple of years in the province,

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completely abandon those investments, those warehouses, that infrastructure, and leave

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the province entirely and have their delivery network in the province be run by a network

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of subcontractors. Do you think they would have gotten away with that response in the US had

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a contract bin looming over them, just shutting the factories? Yeah, so mean, in the US, they

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wouldn't really... the context is different, right? In the US, because workers have significantly

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less rights in the US than they do in Quebec and... elsewhere in Canada, but in Quebec in

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particular, has a more worker-friendly labor code, even though there's still a lot of work

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to be done. They wouldn't be in a position where they would be forced, really anywhere

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else, to sign that collective agreement. So they could do what they're doing in New York

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right now, which is just perpetually stalling. Negotiating, one could make the argument

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in bad faith. with the union in a way that is quite clear that their goal is to just wear

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people's energy down over time and never actually come to a collective agreement. The difference

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is that in Quebec, they can't do that. I I wrote that it's likely illegal, closures, right?

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mean, there hasn't been a court decision or anything that has declared it to be illegal

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as of yet. But we saw similar things happen when workers at Walmart and Jean-Claire in

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Quebec formed a union. In, I believe, the early 2000s, Walmart decided to close that store.

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Those workers were compensated, I should say, by the Labor Board because Walmart was found

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to have been doing illegal union busting. I think eventually that's probably going to be

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something similar to what happens here, but we'll see as those move through the courts.

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Do you know of any court cases that are pending over the Quebec Amazon closures? The union

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that workers formed at the Amazon warehouse in Laval, they did so under the banner of

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the CSN union, Confedération des sciences nationales in Quebec, which is one of the big labour federations.

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So the CSN has launched some cases at the Labour Board to try to have this declared

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as illegal union busting. You mentioned They left behind a significant investment at Amazon,

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but municipalities and provinces also invest in them. Your article mentions just kind of

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trying to point out the ways where they're actually a detriment to workers and the economy. Not

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that they should be allowed to just shut up shop and leave, but Quebec gave them basically

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a little tax haven for a few years to say thank you for these investments. Can you give any

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other examples of how Amazon with its model that it uses is actually a detriment to the

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working class. Part of how Amazon set up its infrastructure in Quebec is because the government

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of Quebec in an attempt to sort of woo the company to come and set up these warehouses. They

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have some, they have a program where if you make a certain amount of investment in the

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province, then you get a long tax holiday. And so Amazon, was granted a 15 year tax holiday

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in Quebec because of the scale of its investments in the province. The province has also given

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it things like Amazon has a data center in the town of Varennes, which is a little bit outside

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of Montreal, and they pay significantly reduced electricity rates. The government has all

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kinds, both provincial and federal, all kinds of contracts with Amazon Web Services to run

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internet infrastructure. So these are sort of like, you know both direct and indirect

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subsidies to the company in order to sort of attract their investment into the province

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so that you know, we could all be so lucky to work the sort of backbreaking labor in in

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Amazon warehouses where you know, I'm sure we've all heard the stories but there's a lot of

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horror stories particularly in the US of you know workers being forced to pee in bottles

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and in the hallways of the the warehouses that they work in are dying of heart attacks on

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the floor because the pace of work is so high. This isn't the model that Amazon uses or maximum

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exploitation. from the government's perspective, these are organizations that create jobs. And

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so we should be trying to do our best to attract them. Yeah. I mean, it's no wonder that workers

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try so hard to salt and unionize some of these facilities. What a blow I imagine it felt for

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organized labor to kind of have that moment pending in a contract at an Amazon facility,

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especially after watching what comrades were having to go through in New York. know Chris

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Smalls, you know, comes and tours Canada a lot, a friend of labor up here. And so it's definitely

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something a lot of us were watching, cheering on. Like anytime we can expand union membership,

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we understand the value in that. So. What was the response from the broader Canadian labor

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movement when they felt that blow? Yeah, so at least in Quebec, I think that the response

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from the English Canadian labor movement has been a little more muted. It's a sort of classic

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division between the Quebec and Canadian labor movements that has been the case for decades.

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But at least in Quebec, I this has been a pretty big moment, right? know, unions are mobilizing

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in lot of different ways to try to put pressure on Amazon, put pressure on the government

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to sort of ties with Amazon. I know as a result of these public pressure campaigns, know, the

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city of Montreal, example, municipal workers at the city of Montreal are now no longer

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allowed to purchase things for work using Amazon, right? Various sort of branches of government

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are attempting to... take measures that are sort reducing their organization's ties with

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Amazon. Dozens of labor unions, probably more. There's a list on the website for the Boycott

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Amazon campaign, as well as lots of community organizations, student associations, various

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organizations in the province have signed on to a organized boycott campaign for Amazon,

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which has... really taken off in the province. mean, think that there's actually a pretty

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wide, wide swath of general public in Quebec that has canceled their Amazon account. And

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the boycott campaign is actually, you know, an organized collective campaign where there

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are people standing outside of metro stations in Montreal every day handing out flyers, explaining

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to people why and how to boycott Amazon. If you walk around the city in Montreal, there

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are posters everywhere explaining people how and why they should boycott Amazon. So it's

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something that's really taken off and that's the result of people from the labor movement,

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a lot of people who previously had been Amazon workers in these warehouses that are now closed,

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as well as allies from other organizations, labor unions, groups like the Immigrant Workers

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Center that have been really active in trying to... pressure Amazon, but also pressure municipal,

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provincial governments to cut ties. I imagine that becomes easier to do now in this elbows

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up mentality where Amazon is seen as a US based company and Bezos is upstanding there with

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Trump at his inauguration. So like Quebec has already sold, I imagine this becomes an easier

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sell across Canada as It can represent more than just fighting back against union busting,

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right? But a response to Trump's economic aggressions, whatever words we're using to describe his

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behavior. But your piece that you wrote there is full of other ways that we could push back

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against Amazon and, I mean, could be applied more broadly as well. I just want to note,

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that's interesting that Quebec you're having municipalities pass specifically Amazon boycott

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sort of, know, like telling their employees not to use Amazon. And I imagine all of the

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municipalities that are passing by Canada motions will inherently be boycotting Amazon as well.

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So it would be interesting to see how this, I mean, if we could only fast forward a year

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to see what all of this back and forth is going to end up. It's all just real speculation at

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this point, but Let's talk about the other ways, the other pressures that maybe we could

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put on different levels of government to respond to this adequately. You talk about maybe not

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canceling contracts, because that's, mean, he canceled NAFTA. I didn't realize we had so

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much money tied up in Amazon contracts. Yeah, that's right. So the governments in Canada,

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the provincial and especially at the federal level have... hundreds of millions of dollars

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tied up in contracts with Amazon Web Services in particular, that runs a lot of the cloud

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infrastructure for government websites across the spectrum. So that is a problem, obviously,

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particularly in the context of what appears to be a looming, already begun, unclear trade

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war with the United States, that these are American-owned companies that are very close to the Trump

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regime in the United States that have, you know, could be used as tools in that trade

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war. The governments that have these contracts with Amazon Web Services in order to provide

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cloud services for government digital infrastructure need to be thinking seriously about the ways

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that they can get out of that dependence on Amazon, in particular, US companies in general.

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Now, Quebec is a bit of an interesting example because Quebec as a sort of like continental

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hydroelectric superpower, right, actually has more data center infrastructure set up than

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the rest of Canada by a pretty significant margin. And you can see that in their government contracts.

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While they do rely far too heavily on Amazon Web Services, it's proportionately quite

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a bit less than the federal government and other provinces because they've sort of made a bit

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of an industrial strategy in order to attract domestically run and data centers in the province.

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So Quebec could, is in a better position than the rest of Canada to ramp that up on a shorter

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term basis in order to be able to replace Amazon Web Services as a sort of data, as

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the organization that runs the digital infrastructure in Canada or hosts the digital infrastructure

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in Canada, I should say. But otherwise, I if we want to go after Amazon directly as opposed

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to Amazon, the sort of logistics network, retailer, whatever, this company is continuing to operate

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in the Quebec market, even though it's closed its actual warehouses. And the way that it's

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doing so is through subcontractors. And so these are, you know, people who are on the

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gig economy model, who own their own vehicles and pay for their own repairs of their own

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vehicles. don't have any sort of like a formal employment relationship with Amazon. Now, this

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is a model that basically means that, basically allows for companies to shirk their responsibilities

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to pay for things like health benefits, have job stability, these basic things. And it's

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a problem to begin with, but now this situation with Amazon provides us with a bit of an opening

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to go after that model more generally. If we want to punish Amazon for its illegal union

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busting in the province, then we should go after the model that it's using to replace what would

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have been the unionized workforce. And doing so would actually be a win for all workers

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in the province because it would tackle some of these very exploitative gig economy practices.

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So that would be really a big win for a of workers in this province. I would suggest they

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should name the bill when they do this after Bezos so that all the other capitalists can

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give him credit for eating away at that precarious labor force that they have been not just relying

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on, but building. That is a trend that we need to buck regardless of our anger with Amazon.

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So many different industries are operating on using contractors instead of employees and

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finding different ways to you know, not be beholden to the weak labor laws we do have.

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I mean, I think that like if we're talking about like, you know, how do we how do we address

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these things? We want to address these things in ways that actually help advance broader

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social goals. Right. And so, you know, if we want to if we want to go after Amazon and punish

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them for the crimes that they've committed here, then then we should do so in a way that is

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also going to prevent other companies from doing the same thing. that is choking out their

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sort subcontracting model, moving the sort of gig economy as a whole towards better working

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conditions for workers, more job stability, wages and benefits. I mean, these are things

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that both go after Amazon and also prevent any future Amazons from doing the same thing.

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Your suggestion isn't to necessarily switch to a different service. I don't know if we

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don't have the equivalent of an Amazon Canada. But you do have an idea of what we can do with

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the warehouses that are left empty. And this would arguably be a way, in addition to legislation,

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to push back against the gig economy, at least when it comes to, what do you call that,

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delivery services? Yeah, like delivery and logistics. Yeah, so I mean, this is, I think, the last

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thing, right? Is this question of like, well, Amazon has made all of these warehouses in

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the past couple of years, which they're now abandoning. And so this is infrastructure that

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exists in the province, right? I mean, just because Amazon is withdrawing its presence

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as a company from the province, the physical buildings, these warehouses still stand, right?

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So what do we do with them now? And so I think that one of the things that we should look

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into doing is integrating these warehouses and this physical infrastructure into the network.

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of Canada Post. Now, Canada Post obviously is a publicly run logistics network that is

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much, much more deeply integrated across the country than Amazon is. It's the only logistics

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network in the country that's able to sort of penetrate every sort of every address in the

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country is reached by Canada Post by legislation, staffed with union labor, good, well paying

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stable jobs that are that are, you good for the workers that pay there and run by one

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of Canada's most important storied unions. We have a sort of plug and play network ready

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that we could give this infrastructure over to and then use these new warehouses as ways

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to hire back all of these workers that Amazon has laid off into good stable union jobs

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in a logistics network that is publicly run that benefits the public that has a public

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mission. And so I think that, you know, if we're, if we're dreaming about the ways that we could,

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the, we could go after Amazon, uh, and, and the ways that we could respond to this, I mean,

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this is something that we should put on the table. I like a lot about what I'm hearing,

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but there's a few things that kind of stand out because in our reaction to Trump, it has

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been very much nationalistic. And a lot of the suggested avenues would actually hurt workers

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in the United States, right? It's this tariff war back and forth and there's been some responses

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that are really just, you know, worry about our own. But these proposals only strengthen

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the working class in general, right? And set employment trends as opposed to just attacking

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different sets of workers. But I don't like when you use dreaming, Even the face you made

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while you say it, it's like you don't want people to think of it as some dreamy, lofty, utopian

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idea. These are like, you're talking about very tangible solutions. Your words, you know, all

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within legal framework. And I'm not arguing that point, it is. So plausible, reasonable.

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Okay, I mean, you're talking to another socialist, so I'm not giving you grief on any of these

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ideas, but Why aren't they being picked up in general? If someone at the CCPA can sit there

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and look at this and be like, here's a laundry list of things you could do instead of nothing.

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What is the reality of the situation that we're in that we don't see these kinds of responses?

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We are swimming in the sea of neoliberalism. We're swimming in the neoliberalism market.

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Logics are the sea that we swim in that is so ubiquitous around us. see it anymore. And

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as a result, ideas like this, are actually even within the legal frameworks that we currently

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have, right, we don't need a socialist revolution in order to do these things, right. But because

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if not the general public, at least like the political class in this country is so wrapped

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up in the in market logics and attempting to sort of incentivize the market to do social

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goals and all of these things. and has been for decades now. Ideas like these that are

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concretely possible right now seem like utopian fairy tales. But I think the task of people

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who are doing the type of work that you and I do, right, of imagining what a better world

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can look like is to sort of break out of that sort of glass box that we've put ourselves

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in and say, actually, there's a whole other world out there of possibilities of things

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that we could be doing. And here's what they look like. I think this is kind of like a

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off topic question, but you think Amazon regrets closing those warehouses now that they're looking

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at all these Chinese tariffs importing to the US? Or do you think it's just like this, no

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matter what we do, we will not let like a union contract through in one of our warehouses.

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Like they will just go down in flames on this. This is the hill maybe Bezos will die on.

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I think that this is probably the hill that Basics will die on. think that Amazon has

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really staked itself out as a company that will absolutely burn every bridge before

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allowing its workers to collectively organize and allow its workers to just like negotiate

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basic things in their own workplaces that they give, you know, a third of their lives

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to. And so they're going to go down swinging in that regard. And we need to act in consequence

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with that. We need to also go out swinging with them. And I think that that is part of the

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campaign that's been happening in Quebec since the Amazon closure has happened is a response

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to that. I think is the closest to a type of proportionality that we've seen with regards

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to Amazon is a campaign that Now that these closures have happened, is seeking to have,

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at a society-wide level, have us cut ties with Amazon. At government level, at sort of individual

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consumer level, at all of these things, to sort of treat them as this sort of malignant

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force that they are and remove them. That is probably the model that we're going to need

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to go with if Amazon doesn't change its approach to the way that it deals with its workers.

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Oh, I'm absolutely here for painting all capitalists as a malignant force. So that's why going

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at it from the angle that you're going at it, you know, in response to the union busting

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and their treatment of workers and the fact that they've just got a really harmful model

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for local economies and beyond, rather than the anti-US. framework, right, because then

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that puts us in a different mentality, then we pick targets based on where their headquarters

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are and not necessarily how they're treating workers. So I imagine you're full of ideas

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in terms of legislation, like how we could protect gig workers or, and beyond that, but what

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about for people on the street, even non-unionized workers? Although I hear a lot of hate about

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Amazon we have for a long time, Like Bezos is like an easy target for whatever reason. Like

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Galen Weston, I don't know. We remember their name and they're, they look like villains.

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I think that helps. But I've not seen the kind of replication that you're talking about in

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Quebec outside of Quebec. You only touched on that divide, but I'll be honest. I think I

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was kind of naive to the fact that there'd be that kind of divide within the labor movement.

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It was so egregious what they did in Quebec. I expected a nationwide response. So you got

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any advice for grassroots organizers beyond that are looking to kind of use this moment

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as a way to point people in the right direction? Because, you know, those notable characters

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that stand behind Trump, um, figuratively and actually, you know, at his inauguration or

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whatnot, it's, it's nice for people to understand that those are the players behind all of these

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policies and should feel our angst, right? Rather than just letting Trump take the blame, right?

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Because then when he's gone, will they still remain as class conscious as they were, right?

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So any idea for seizing this moment and building class consciousness versus a nationalistic

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response? Yeah, I mean, you know, I wish I had an easy plug and play answer for this. John,

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we need one. I know, you know. Listen, the great labour organiser, Jane McAlevey, said that

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there are no shortcuts and she was right. There aren't, right? The book's on my shelf over

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there. That's right. I mean, the way that we build the capacity to respond to these things

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and transform the world that we live in is by forming, joining, and transforming organizations

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that can act collectively in the interests of the working class. And that means that if

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you are a union worker participating in your labor union, if you are a non-union worker

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talking to your colleagues about organizing collectively, if you are live in a community

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where there are active community organizations, taking maybe time once a month and going and

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joining a meeting, right? That means getting to know your neighbors and being able to take

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action collectively at first at a small scale and then at a larger scale. And we need to

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build collective self-financed democratic organizations that are capable of acting in the interest

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of the class. Those organizations everywhere in the country, but particularly in English

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Canada, hollowed out over the past couple of decades in Quebec, they still remain a little

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bit stronger than in the rest of the country. And I think that that's part of the reason

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why you see the divide that you see. But we need to rebuild and rebuild those organizations.

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And there's not a solution that we can do over the course of the week that will do that.

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That's a long term project of building political power and building organizations that are

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capable of wielding it. I wish I had an easier answer for you, but I don't. No one does, John.

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I've had, we're at episode 179, think, when the time this airs. And not that I've asked

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everyone that big question. I was kind of picking on you there, but nobody's had, they all remind

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me, almost everyone reminds me that it is a long fight. I'm a very impatient person by

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nature. So, but you know, that's not to say there's not things that people can do in that

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week. that won't work towards those ends. I'm wondering, I think when we covered this story,

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I should have brushed up my notes a little bit, but I think when we were covering this story

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back in January, early February, I pulled up something about workers in Alberta, perhaps

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trying to unionize an Amazon facility. Are there other facilities across Canada that we should

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be watching in terms of unionizing an Amazon? Yeah, I mean, it's tough to say because these

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campaigns take place, you know, their very nature take place discreetly until they're

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right. Because, you know, obviously with a company that is so bent on destroying any active

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efforts at collective organization, you know, things need to take place somewhat clandestinely

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until until they're ready to go public. However, you know, there's a lot of Signs pointing to

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the possibility of union drives happening elsewhere in British Columbia, which it's worth pointing

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out is one of the only other provinces that has card check certification in Canada, which

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means that if 50 % plus one of workers signed union cards, then a union, they have their

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union. They don't need to afterwards go into a referendum period. in which the company,

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a company like Amazon, can engage in all types of illegal union busting during a public referendum

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period. So if 50 % of workers plus one sign union cards, the union is formed, period. And

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so I would be watching out for campaigns in British Columbia in that regard. I will keep

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my ear to the ground. But yes, I think most people can appreciate, and hopefully they've

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heard, but maybe you can share a little bit before we go. because we didn't hit on just

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how dirty Amazon can play when folks are trying to unionize a facility. I mean, we know what

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happens when they lose. They're really sore losers. But they play really dirty too in

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terms of trying to like spend millions of dollars on surveilling their employees, right? And

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union busting tactics, particularly in that referendum stage when it's most effective.

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following New York, mean it's incredible the things that they'll go through. Yeah, mean

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Amazon uses the entire gamut of union busting techniques and is even sort of an innovator

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in them. They're a think tank of union busting, they probably have a whole department. They

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almost definitely do. And so you know, they do everything from firing people or laying

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people off who are publicly associated with the union, running very obvious surveillance,

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hiring private security companies, posting gigantic banners that are against the union

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inside workplaces, and doing things that are... Even the US Labor Board has declared to

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be illegal, which is not exactly a particularly worker-friendly organization. But Amazon has

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sort of decided that they would rather just pay a fine afterwards for doing these sort

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of illegal union-busting things rather than accepting that they're playing fair during

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a referendum. Those reactions from those tasked with enforcing labor laws don't even slow them

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down. I imagine the fines are just pocket change to that company. Any idea what their hit to

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the bottom line has been in Quebec? Whether that's been effective enough to make them kind

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of take notice and question their tactics? I don't have those numbers. I'd be curious

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to be a fly on the wall in the meetings where they're looking back and seeing the blowback

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or they just, mean, if they're any good at what they do, they don't even pay attention. Like

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they just keep going forward. I mean, that would be my advice to other people, right? Like don't

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let, don't slow down for your detractors, but it. I think it just leads credence to the suggestions

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of, you know, building unions from the bottom up and as the only real solution to these folks

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pleading with our governments to enact fines or, or other kind of tiny bits of legislation

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seems like an uphill battle at times. But, uh, you know, all, all the more reason for stronger

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labor. Yes. Oh yeah, absolutely. And I mean, here's the thing. I think that like, you know,

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both stronger labor and, a wrong government that is willing to take legislative action

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against these companies are both essential components of taking on companies like Amazon. The issue

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is that in order to get to the stage where we have a government that is willing and able

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to do this type of thing, that is just because of the neoliberal economy that we live in and

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the sort of decades of neoliberal hegemony, we're not going to get there. without a strong

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labor movement, right? It is a precursor to having a government that is capable of acting

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in the interest of the working class is having a working class that is capable of acting

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in its own interest. We'll get there. Yeah. Let's hope. Well, we have to do more than

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hope, John, but we are, right? People are actively on the case. I appreciate the work that you

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do that contributes to that. Sometimes. you we're all labeled as utopic and the solutions

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that we suggest or the political ways that we want to go are just like not even feasible.

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But quite often when you crunch the numbers or you get people working on this, you can

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present very feasible solutions to what seem like insurmountable problems. So I, know, I

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did tease you about being a policy wonk, but you clarified that, but there is value in

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like talking about policy in different ways forward and doing that kind of work. Thank

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you so much, John, for coming on and explaining this to the audience. I did not give the case

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justice when I kind of gave an overview back in late January. I was angry, but I had no

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solutions. And you really did kind of provide some solutions to folks, which is far more

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constructive than just ranting about it. Yeah, pleasure to be here. And I mean, as always,

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The most immediate solution for any of your listeners is to go out and form or join an

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organization in the place where you live and work. Absolutely. Thank you. That is a wrap

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on another episode of Blueprints of Disruption. Thank you for joining us. If you'd like to

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help us continue disrupting the status quo, please share our content. And if you have the

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means, consider becoming a patron. Not only does our support come from the progressive

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community, so does our content. So reach out to us and let us know what or who we should

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be amplifying. So until next time, keep disrupting.

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About the Podcast

Blueprints of Disruption
A Podcast for Rabble Rousers
Blueprints of Disruption is dedicated to amplifying the work of activists, organizers and rabble rousers. This weekly podcast, hosted by Jessa McLean and Santiago Helou Quintero, features in-depth discussions that explore different ways to challenge capitalism, decolonize spaces and create movements on the ground. Together we will disrupt the status quo one episode at a time.

About your host

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Jessa McLean

Host, Jessa McLean is a socialist political and community organizer from Ontario.